2013年天津商业大学基础英语考研真题.doc

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2013 年天津商业大学基础英语考研真题 I Vocabulary & Structure Directions: In each question, decide which of the four choices given will most suitably complete the sentence if inserted at the place marked 1．The usher bowed deeply and_______ a long, almost musical sigh, when I showed him the invitation which the mayor had sent me. a. heaved b. grinned c. popped d. lurched 2． Some people want to _______ the monument, while others want to preserve it so that the young generation could not forget the tragic history. a. demolish b. annihilate c. wreck d. ruin 3． The middle school student has a ______ for collecting Japanese cartoon pictures, which takes him plenty of time. a. frenzy b. delirium c. hysteria d. mania 4． The current production methods will soon be rendered _______since new and better ways are said to be invented. a. ancient b. antique c. obsolete d. archaic 5． Modern enterprises are facing fierce competition so they are eager to have a team of pioneering humanity and ______. a. aggressiveness b. aggression c. invasion d. belligerence 6． Her bracelet is one of the several valuable gifts _____ on her when she visited the royal family. a. granted b. bestowed c. awarded d. confirmed 7． Small children are often___________ to nightmares after hearing ghost stories in the dark. a. definitive b. perceptible c. incipient d. susceptible 8． Many astronomers think the universe is continuing to evolve from a _________ cloud of gas. a. polyphony b. primal c. primordial d. primogeniture 9． Sheep, cattle and antelope are __________; unlike dogs and cats, they show no interest in meat. a. voracious b. omnivorous c. carnivorous d. herbivorous 10． Vincent Van Gogh’s rise to __________ fame as one of the world’s great artists came despite the fact that he scarcely sold a single painting during his lifetime. a. posthumous b. postmodern c. postmortem d. posterior 11． The boys did not take the apples with any _______ intent, they were just hungry and did not know any better. a. malnourished b. malefactor c. malign d. malicious 12． The whole family was _________ by nature, and there were bitter legal battles over the will. a.acquisitive b. inquisitive c. requisition d. perquisite

13． Gone was the fierce_______ of the days when Bryan had swept the political arena like a prairie fire. a. fervor b. emotion c. intelligence d. strength 14．The trees along the main street were________ with rags and plastic bags after the terrible hurricane. a. destroyed b. chained c. festooned d. covered 15．The earth is actually vulnerable, but so far we seem _________ of the fragility of the earth’s natural systems. a. aware b. oblivious c. conscious d. suspicious 16．Essentially, a theory is an abstract, symbolic representation of _________ reality. A. that is conceived b. that is being conceived of c. what it is conceived d. what is conceived to be 17．After the funeral, the residents of the apartment building _________. a. sent faithfully flowers all weeks to the cemetery b. sent to the cemetery each week flowers faithfully c. sent flowers faithfully to the cemetery each week d. sent each week faithfully to the cemetery flowers 18．4. Not until Kentucky’s Mammoth Cave had been completely explored in 1972 _______. a. when was its full extent realized b. that its full extent realized c. was its full extent realized d. the realization of its full extent 19．I know he failed his last test, but really he’s _________ stupid. a. something butb. anything but c. nothing but d. not but 20．His remarks were ________ annoy everybody at the meeting. a. so as to b. such as toc. such to d. as much as to II Proof Reading and Error Correction Directions: In this passage there are altogether 5 mistakes in the five numbered and underlined sentences. Try to detect the mistakes and write out your corrected answers on the answer sheet. 提示：没有拼写和标点符号错误 Sample test: He avoided to help the poor. →avoided helping the poor A buzz ran through the crowd as I took my place in the packed court on that sweltering July day in 1925. 1) The counsel for my defense was the famous criminal lawyer Clarence Darrow. Leading counsel for the prosecution was William Jennings Bryan, the silver-tongued orator, three time’s Democratic nominee for President of the United States, and leader of the fundamentalist movement that had brought about my trial.

A few weeks before I had been an unknown school-teacher in Dayton, a little town in the mountains of Tennessee. 2) Now I was involved in a trial reported the world over. Seating in court, ready to testify on my behalf, were a dozen distinguished professors and scientists, led by Professor Kirtley Mather of Harvard University. More than 100 reporters were on hand, and even radio announcers, who for the first time in history were to broadcast a jury trial. "Don't worry, son, we'll show them a few tricks," Darrow had whispered throwing a reassuring arm round my shoulder as we were waiting for the court to open. The case had erupted round my head not long after I arrived in Dayton as science master and football coach at the secondary school. For a number of years a clash had been building up between the fundamentalists and the modernists. 3) The fundamentalists adhered to a literal interpretation of the Old Testament. The modernists, on the one hand, accepted the theory advanced by Charles Darwin -- that all animal life, including monkeys and men, had evolved from a common ancestor Fundamentalism was strong in Tennessee, and the state legislature had recently passed a law prohibiting the teaching of "any theory that denies the story of creation as taught in the Bible." The new law was aimed squarely at Darwin's theory of evolution. An engineer, George Rappelyea, used to argue with the local people against the law. 4) During one such argument, Rappelyea said that nobody could teach biology without teaching revolution. Since I had been teaching biology, I was sent for. 5) When I was indicted on May 7, no one, least of all I, anticipated that my case would snowball one of the most famous trials in U. S. history The American Civil Liberties Union announced that it would take my case to the U. S Supreme Court if necessary to establish that a teacher may tell the truth without being sent to jail." Then Bryan volunteered to assist the state in prosecuting me. Immediately the renowned lawyer Clarence Darrow offered his services to defend me. Ironically, I had not known Darrow before my trial but I had met Bryan when he had given a talk at my university. I admired him, although I did not agree with his views. III Paraphrasing Directions: Read the passage carefully and then paraphrase the five numbered and underlined sentences.

Conversation is the most sociable of all human activities. And it is an activity only of humans. However intricate the ways in which animals communicate with each other, they do not indulge in anything that deserves the name of conversation. 1) The charm of conversation is that it does not really start from anywhere, and no one has any idea where it will go as it meanders or leaps and sparkles or just glows. The enemy of good conversation is the person who has "something to say." Conversation is not for making a point. Argument may often be a part of it, but the purpose of the argument is not to convince. There is no winning in conversation. In fact, the best conversationalists are those who are prepared to lose. Suddenly they see the moment for one of their best anecdotes, but in a flash the conversation has moved on and the opportunity is lost. They are ready to let it go. Perhaps it is because of my up-bringing in English pubs that I think bar conversation has a charm of its own. Bar friends are not deeply involved in each other's lives. They are companions, not intimates. 2) The fact that their marriages may be on the rocks or that their love affairs have been broken or even that they got out of bed on the wrong side is simply not a concern. They are like the musketeers of Dumas who, although they lived side by side with each other, did not delve into each other's lives or the recesses of their thoughts and feelings. It was on such an occasion the other evening, as the conversation moved desultorily here and there, from the most commonplace to thoughts of Jupiter, without any focus and with no need for one, that suddenly the alchemy of conversation took place, and all at once there was a focus. I do not remember what made one of our companions say it--she clearly had not come into the bar to say it, it was not something that was pressing on her mind--but her remark fell quite naturally into the talk. 3) "Someone told me the other day that the phrase, 'the King's English, ' was a term of criticism, that it means language which one should not properly use.' The glow of the conversation burst into flames. There were affirmations and protests and denials, and of course the promise, made in all such conversation, that we would look it up on the morning. That would settle it; but conversation does not need to be settled; it could still go ignorantly on. 4) It was an Australian who had given her such a definition of "the King's English," which produced some rather tart remarks about what one could expect from the

descendants of convicts. We had traveled in five minutes to Australia . Of course, there would be resistance to the King's English in such a society. There is always resistance in the lower classes to any attempt by an upper class to lay down rules for "English as it should be spoken." Look at the language barrier between, the Saxon churls and their Norman conquerors. The conversation had swung from Australian convicts of the 19th century to the English peasants of the 12th century. Who was right, who was wrong, did not matter. The conversation was on wings. Someone took one of the best-known of examples, which is still always worth the reconsidering. When we talk of meat on our tables we use French words; when we speak of the animals from which the meat comes we use Anglo- Saxon words. It is a pig in its sty;' it is pork (porc) on the table. They are cattle in the fields, but we sit down to beef (boeuf). Chickens become poultry (poulet), and a calf becomes veal (veau). 5) Even if our menus were not written in French out of snobbery, the English we used in them would still be Norman English. What all this tells us is of a deep class rift in the culture of England after the Norman conquest. The Saxon peasants who tilled the land and reared the animals could not afford the meat, which went to Norman tables. The peasants were allowed to eat the rabbits that scampered over their fields and, since that meat was cheap, the Norman lords of course turned up their noses at it. So rabbit is still rabbit on our tables, and not changed into some rendering of lapin. IV Blank filling Directions: Fill in each numbered blank in the following passage with one suitable word to complete the passage. My reader may, understandably, be on the verge of crying, “Communist!” A large, diverse society cannot survive without property; a large, diverse, and modern society cannot flourish without some form of intellectual property. But it takes little reflection to grasp that there is ample value that the term “property” doesn't capture. And works of art exist simultaneously in two ----------1------, a market economy and a gift economy. The cardinal -------2-------between gift and commodity exchange is that a gift establishes a feeling-bond between two people, whereas the sale of a commodity leaves no

necessary connection. I go into a hardware store, pay the man for a hacksaw blade, and walk out. I may never see him again. The disconnectedness is, in fact, a virtue of the commodity mode. We don't want to be bothered, and if the clerk always wants to chat about the family, I'll shop elsewhere. I just want a hacksaw blade. But a -----3---------mode makes a connection. There are many examples, the candy or cigarette offered to a stranger who shares a seat on the plane, the few words that indicate goodwill between passengers on the late-night bus. These tokens establish the simplest bonds of social life, but the model they offer may be extended to the most complicated of unions—marriage, parenthood, mentorship. If a value is placed on these (often essentially unequal) exchanges, they degenerate into something else. Yet one of the more difficult things to comprehend is that the gift economies— like those that sustain open-source software—coexist so naturally with the market. It is precisely this doubleness in art practices that we must identify, ratify, and enshrine in our lives as participants in culture, either as “producers” or “--------4---------.” Art that matters to us —which moves the heart, or revives the soul, or delights the senses, or offers courage for living, however we choose to describe the experience—is received as a gift is received. Even if we've paid a fee at the door of the museum or concert hall, when we are touched by a work of art something comes to us that has nothing to do with the price. The daily commerce of our lives proceeds at its own constant level, but a gift conveys an uncommodifiable surplus of inspiration. The way we treat a thing can change its nature, though. Religions often prohibit the sale of sacred objects, the implication being that their sanctity is lost if they are bought and------5--------. We consider it unacceptable to sell sex, babies, body organs, legal rights, and votes. The idea that something should never be commodified is generally known as inalienability or unalienability—a concept most famously expressed by Thomas Jefferson in the phrase

“endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable Rights . . .” A work of art seems to be a hardier breed; it can be sold in the market and still emerge a work of art. But if it is true that in the essential commerce of art a gift is carried by the work from the artist to his audience, if I am right to say that------6--------- there is no gift there is no art, then it may be possible to destroy a work of art by converting it into a pure commodity. I don't maintain that art can't be bought and sold, but that the gift portion of the work places a constraint upon our merchandising. This is the reason-------7-------even a really beautiful, ingenious, powerful ad (of which there are a lot) can never be any kind of real art: an ad has no status as gift; i.e., it's never really for the person it's directed at. The power of a gift economy remains difficult for the empiricists of our market culture to understand. In our times, the rhetoric of the market presumes that everything should be and can be appropriately bought, sold, and owned—a tide of alienation lapping daily at the dwindling redoubt of the unalienable. In free-market theory, an intervention to halt propertization is considered “paternalistic,” because it inhibits the free action of the citizen, now reposited as a “potential entrepreneur.”Of course, in the real world, we know that child-rearing, family life, education, socialization, sexuality, political life, and many other basic -------8------ activities require insulation from market forces. In fact, paying for many of these things can ruin them. We may be willing to peek at Who Wants to Marry a Multimillionaire or an eBay auction of the ova of fashion models, but only to reassure ourselves that some things are still --------9------- our standards of dignity. What's remarkable about gift economies is that they can flourish in the most unlikely places —in run-down neighborhoods, on the Internet, in scientific communities, and among members of Alcoholics Anonymous. A classic example is commercial blood systems,-------10------- generally

produce blood supplies of lower safety, purity, and potency than volunteer systems. A gift economy may be superior when it comes to maintaining a group's commitment to certain extra-market values. V. Reading Comprehension Directions: Read the following two passages carefully and choose the best answer to each question among the four choices. Passage One Since the early 1970’s, historians have begun to devote serious attention to the working class in the United States. Yet while we now have studies of working-class communities and culture, we know remarkably little of worklessness. When historians have paid any attention at all to unemployment, they have focused on the Great Depression of the 1930’s. The narrowness of this perspective ignores the pervasive recessions and joblessness of the previous decades, as Alexander Keyssar shows in his recent book. Examining the period 1870-1920, Keyssar concentrates on Massachusetts, where the historical materials are particularly rich, and the findings applicable to other industrial areas. The unemployment rates that Keyssar calculates appear to be relatively modest, at least by Great Depression standards: during the worst years, in the 1870’s and 1890’s, unemployment was around 15 percent. Yet Keyssar rightly understands that a better way to measure the impact of unemployment is to calculate unemployment frequencies—measuring the percentage of workers who experience any unemployment in the course of a year. Given this perspective, joblessness looms much larger. Keyssar also scrutinizes unemployment patterns according to skill level, ethnicity, race, age, class, and gender. He finds that rates of joblessness differed primarily according to class: those in middle-class and white-collar occupations were far less likely to be unemployed. Yet the impact of unemployment on a specific class was not always the same. Even when dependent on the same trade, adjoining communities could have dramatically different unemployment rates. Keyssar uses these differential rates to help explain a phenomenon that has puzzled historians —the startlingly

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