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2019年6月翻译资格考试二级英语笔译实务真题及答案.doc

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2019 年 6 月翻译资格考试二级英语笔译实务真题及答案 英译汉 passage 1 (题源:纽约时报 What Role Do Teachers Play in Education?) In 2009, Time magazine hailed an online math program piloted at three New York City public schools, as one of the year’s 50 best innovations. Each day, the software generated individualized math “playlists” for students who then chose the “modality” in which they wished to learn — software, a virtual teacher or a flesh-and-blood one. A different algorithm sorted teachers’ specialties and schedules to match a student’s needs. “It generates the lessons, the tests and it grades the tests,” one veteran instructor marveled. 2009 年,《时代》杂志发文称赞三所纽约市公立学校试点推行的在线数学课程,称其是该年 度的五十大杰出创新成果之一。该课程软件每天都会生成个性化的数学课“播放列表”,学 生可根据想要学习的内容选择具体的“播放模式”。这款课程软件既是一位虚拟教师,也会 呈现出一种有血有肉的真实形象。通过一种特别的算法,课程软件对所有教师的专业课程与 排课时间进行分类,以满足每位学生的需求。一位资深讲师就曾惊叹称,“这款软件不仅能 够生成课程与测试内容,还可对测试结果进行评分”。 Although the program made only modest improvements in students’ math scores and was adopted by only a handful of New York schools (not the 50 for which it was slated), it serves as a notable example of a pattern that Andrea Gabor charts in “After the Education Wars.” For more than three decades, an unlikely coalition of corporate philanthropists, educational technology entrepreneurs and public education bureaucrats has spearheaded a brand of school reform characterized by the overvaluing of technology and standardized testing and a devaluing of teachers and communities. The trend can be traced back to a hyperbolic 1983 report, “A Nation at Risk,” issued by President Ronald Reagan’s National Commission on Excellence in Education. Against the backdrop of an ascendant Japanese economy and consistent with President Reagan’s disdain for public education (and teachers’ unions), “A Nation at Risk” blamed America’s ineffectual schools for a “rising tide of mediocrity” that was diminishing America’s global role in a new high-tech world. 虽然该课程并未大幅提升学生的数学成绩,且仅有少数纽约学校采用(并非预期进驻的 50 所学校),但却是安德烈埃•加博尔(Andrea Gabor)在《教育战争》(After the Education Wars) 中所提出的教改模式的一个典型范例。三十多年来,看似不可能达成统一战线的众多企业慈 善家、教育技术企业家和公共教育官员率先掀起一股学校改革风潮,其特点就是极度重视技 术及标准化测试,同时弱化对教师和社会的关注。这一风潮可以追溯到罗纳德•里根政府时 期的“国家教育卓越委员会(National Commission on Excellence in Education)”于 1983
年发布的一份风格夸张的报告——《处于危险中的国家》(A Nation at Risk)。在日本经济 崛起的背景下,里根总统曾对美国的公共教育(及教师工会)表现出蔑视之情,与此相呼应, 《处于危险中的国家》也将美国“平庸之辈越来越多”归咎于美国学校的无能,认为这些庸 才正不断削弱美国在高新科技领域的全球影响力。 Policymakers turned their focus to public education as a matter of national security, one too important (and potentially too profitable) to entrust to educators. The notion that top-down decisions by politicians, not teachers, should determine what children need was a thread running through the bipartisan 2001 No Child Left Behind Act, the Obama administration’s Race to the Top and state-initiated Common Core standards, and the current charter-driven agenda of Secretary of Education Betsy DeVos. “Accountability” became synonymous with standardized tests, resulting in a testing juggernaut with large profits going to commercial publishing giants like Pearson. 政策制定者随后将关注点转向公共教育领域。在政策制定者看来,公共教育已上升至国家安 全的高度,其重要性(或高盈利性)完全无法让政策制定者将发展公共教育的任务放心交予教 育部门。有种观点认为,决定儿童教育需求的应当是政治人物(而非教师群体)自上而下的政 策决策,而从 2001 年美国两党支持通过的“有教无类法案(No Child Left Behind Act)”, 到奥巴马政府的“力争上游(Race to the Top)”计划与州共同核心课程标准,再到现任美 国教育部长贝琪•德沃斯(Betsy DeVos)推行的特许学校议程,这一观念始终贯穿其中。“责 任制”已成为标准化测试的代名词,导致培生教育(Pearson)等教育测试领域的大体量、高 利润机构转型成为商业出版巨头。 The education wars have been demoralizing for teachers, over 17 percent of whom drop out within their first five years. No one believes that teaching to the test is good pedagogy, but what are the options when students’ future educational choices, teachers’ salaries and retention and, in some states, the fate of entire schools rest on student test scores? In meticulous detail, Gabor documents reform’s institutional failings. She describes the turns in New York City’s testing-obsessed policies, the undermining of Michigan’s once fine public schools and the heartbreaking failure of New Orleans to remake its schools after Hurricane Katrina. 教育战争削弱了教师队伍的斗志,超过 17%的教师在入职不到五年内离职。没有人相信应试 教育是一种有效的教育方法,但当学生的继续教育选择、教师的薪资与留任,乃至美国某些 州整所学校的前途命运都取决于学生的测试成绩时,他们还能有哪些选择?加博尔在其书中 极其详尽地记述了教育改革的制度缺陷:纽约市教育测试狂热政策引发诸多转变;密歇根州 公立学校的昔日优势遭到削弱;卡特里娜飓风肆虐过后,新奥尔良市在重建学校时也遭遇令 人心碎的困境。 passage 2 Angkor is one of the most important archaeological sites in Southeast Asia. For several centuries, Angkor was the centre of the Khmer Kingdom. With impressive
monuments, several different ancient urban plans and large water reservoirs, the site is a unique concentration of features testifying to an exceptional civilization. Temples, exemplars of Khmer architecture, are closely linked to their geographical context as well as being imbued with symbolic significance. The architecture and layout of the successive capitals bear witness to a high level of social order and ranking within the Khmer Empire. Angkor is therefore a major site exemplifying cultural, religious and symbolic values, as well as containing high architectural, archaeological and artistic significance. 吴哥是东南亚地区最重要的考古遗址之一。几个世纪以来,吴哥一直是高棉王国的都城。除 了令人印象深刻的历史遗迹之外,当地还留有众多古城池与大型水库的遗址。如此之多的罕 见遗迹汇集于一处,这就是当地曾经存在过高度文明的象征。作为一种典型的高棉建筑,寺 庙与当地的地理环境密切相关,具有标志性意义。历代都城的建筑与布局在很大程度上见证 了高棉帝国的社会秩序与等级。因此,作为一处重要的历史遗迹,吴哥不仅具有丰富的建筑、 考古和艺术内涵,还展现出较高的文化、宗教和象征价值。 The Angkor complex encompasses all major architectural buildings and hydrological engineering systems from the Khmer period. All the individual aspects illustrate the intactness of the site very much reflecting the splendor of the cities that once were. The site integrity however, is put under dual pressures: endogenous: exerted by more than 100,000 inhabitants distributed over 112 historic settlements scattered over the site, who constantly try to expand their dwelling areas; exogenous: related to the proximity of the town of Siem Reap, the seat of the province and a tourism hub. 吴哥建筑群囊括了高棉时期的所有重要建筑和水文工程系统,全方位展现了该地遗址的完整 性,同时也反映出历代城池的辉煌历史。然而,遗址的完整性目前正面临着双重压力。其一 是内生性压力:遗址区域零星散布着 112 个历史聚居点,居民人数超过 10 万,而他们正在 想方设法扩大自身的居住区域;其二是外生性压力:当地与暹粒镇相邻,而暹粒镇正位于暹 粒省首府,是一处旅游业中心。 Angkor is one of the largest archaeological sites in operation in the world. Tourism represents an enormous economic potential but it can also generate irreparable destructions of the tangible as well as intangible cultural heritage. Many research projects have been undertaken, since the international safeguarding program was first launched in 1993. The scientific objectives of the research (e.g. anthropological studies on socio-economic conditions) result in a better knowledge and understanding of the history of the site, and its inhabitants that constitute a rich exceptional legacy of the intangible heritage. The purpose is to associate the “intangible culture” to the enhancement of the monuments in order to sensitize the local population to the importance and necessity of its protection and preservation and assist in the development of the site as Angkor is a living heritage site where Khmer people in general, but especially the local population, are known to be particularly conservative with respect to ancestral traditions and where they
adhere to a great number of archaic cultural practices that have disappeared elsewhere. 吴哥是全球最大的经营性考古遗址之一。旅游业代表着巨大的经济潜力,但同时也可能对物 质和非物质文化遗产造成无法挽回的伤害。吴哥的国际保护计划起步于 1993 年,多年来已 开展众多研究项目。科学的研究目标(如社会经济条件的人类学研究)使得人们得以更好地认 识与了解吴哥遗址的历史,以及作为这些璀璨非物质文化遗产缔造者的吴哥当地居民。吴哥 堪称历史文化的活化石,这里的高棉人(特别是当地居民)在先祖传统方面通常极为守旧,而 他们所坚守的大量古老文化习俗在其他地方早已消失殆尽,因此,开展这些研究旨在将“非 物质文化”与历史遗迹的保护联系起来,使当地居民意识到吴哥遗迹保护的重要性和必要性, 从而为当地遗址的开发工作提供协助。 Moreover, the Angkor Archaeological Park is very rich in medicinal plants, used by the local population for treatment of diseases. The Preah Khan temple is considered to have been a university of medicine and the NeakPoan an ancient hospital. 此外,吴哥考古公园(Angkor Archaeological Park)内还生长着种类丰富的药用植物,当地 居民用它们治疗多种疾病。圣剑寺(Preah Khan)据信过去曾是一所医药学府,而尼克潘 (NeakPoan)则被认为是一家古老的医院。 汉译英 passage 1 预计到 2020 年,全国 60 岁以上老年人口将增加到 2.55 亿人左右,占总人口比重提升到 17.8% 左右;高龄老年人将增加到 2900 万人左右,独居老人将增加到 1.18 亿人左右。涉老法规政 策系统性、协调性、针对性、可操作性有待增强;城乡区域老龄事业发展和养老体系建设不 均衡问题突出;养老服务有效供给不足,质量效益不高,人才队伍短缺。 China is expected to see an increase in the number of elderly people aged over 60 years to around 255 million by 2020, raising its percentage of the total population to about 17.8%; the older population will rise to about 29 million, and the number of seniors living alone will jump to about 118 million. The regulations and policies relating to the elderly people need to be more systematic, coordinated, relevant and feasible; the development of undertakings for the aged and the construction of old-age service systems in urban and rural areas experience prominent imbalance; the elderly care service is plagued by the shortage of effective supply, low quality and effectiveness, and manpower shortage. 规划提出目标,到 2020 年,老龄事业发展整体水平明显提升,养老体系更加健全完善。社 会保险、社会福利、社会救助等社会保障制度和公益慈善事业有效衔接,老年人的基本生活、 基本医疗、基本照护等需求得到切实保障。老龄事业发展和养老体系建设的法治化、信息化、 标准化、规范化程度明显提高。市场活力和社会创造力得到充分激发,养老服务和产品供给 主体更加多元、内容更加丰富、质量更加优良,以信用为核心的新型市场监管机制建立完善。
老年人合法权益得到有效保护,老年人参与社会发展的条件持续改善。 The goal is laid out in the Plan that by 2020 overall development level of the aging cause will see a significant enhancement, and the old-age service systems will become improved and perfected. Social security systems such as social insurance, social welfare, and social assistance are effectively linked to charitable causes to effectively guarantee the needs of the elderly people for basic livelihood, basic medical care, and basic care. The development of aging cause and construction of old-age service systems demonstrate obvious improvement in legalization, informationization, standardization and normalization. Market vitality and social creativity have been fully stimulated. The services and products for the elderly people have more diversified suppliers, more abundant content, and better quality. A credit-centered new market regulatory mechanism has been well-established. The elderly people have received solid protection on their legitimate rights and interests, and have been provided with continuously improved conditions for them to be part of social development. passage 2 (原文:译文改编自《英语世界》2019.05 月刊) 中国的改革发端于农村,目的在于调节农民和土地之间的关系。1978 年之前,数亿中国人 还在为温饱问题发愁,如今,经过 40 年的发展,中国有 7 亿多农村贫困人口实现脱贫。从 1978 年至 1985 年,农村经济体制的深刻变革,为农村经济的增长和贫困人口的大幅减少提 供了强劲动力。按当时标准,有 50%未解决温饱的农村人口在这期间解决了温饱问题。按现 在的扶贫标准,有超过 1 亿农村人口在这期间摆脱了贫困。这不仅为全面建设小康社会打下 了坚实的基础,而且为全人类的扶贫和发展做出了巨大贡献。 China’s reform originated in rural areas with the purpose of adjusting the relationship between farmers and land. Before 1978, hundreds of millions of Chinese people were struggling to meet their basic daily needs. After 40 years of development, more than 700 million people in rural areas of China were lifted out of poverty. From 1978 to 1985, the profound reform of China’s rural economic system provided a strong impetus for economic growth and dramatic reduction of the poverty-stricken population. According to the standards at that time, 50 percent of the rural population in poverty met their basic needs during this period. And even according to the poverty alleviation standards at present, more than 100 million rural people were lifted out of poverty during the period. This not only laid a solid foundation for China to build a moderately prosperous society in all respects, but also made great contributions to poverty alleviation and development for all mankind. 1978 年,安徽凤阳县小岗村的 18 户农民走出了中国农村改革的第一步。破除了计划经济体 制的诸多束缚,实行以家庭联产承包责任制为基础的家庭经营,获得了可以自由耕种的承包 土地,极大调动了生产积极性,使他们以巨大的热情投入到农业生产之中。
In 1978, farmers from 18 households in Xiaogang Village of Fengyang County, Anhui Province took the first step of China’s rural reform. By removing many constraints of the planned economic system and conducting family management based on the household responsibility system, farmers received contracted land they could freely decide what to grow, which greatly stimulated their enthusiasm for agricultural production.
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